Marika Dee

Belfast: Being Young in a Divided City

Once the scene of intense violence, Belfast city center has been re-imaged as a place of normality. This new consumer-oriented Belfast with its up-market bars and shops has no place for visible traces of the violent past.  

But although not far in distance, the city's working-class areas are a world apart. The legacy of the Troubles continues to cast a long shadow in these areas that witnessed some of the worst violence during the three-decade-long conflict between the mostly Catholic republicans who wanted be part of a united Ireland and the mostly Protestant loyalists who wanted to remain part of the United Kingdom. More than 3500 people — out of a population of only about 1.5 million at the time — were killed during the Troubles, many of them in the working-class areas of Belfast.  

Most young people growing up in these areas have not experienced the Troubles firsthand — the violent conflict ended two decades ago with the 1998 Good Friday Agreement — yet their lives continue to be shaped by its ongoing legacy. The city's working-class areas are still divided along sectarian lines and their Catholic and Protestant communities lead largely segregated lives. Working-class youth are growing up in a deeply divided society with an entrenched us-versus-them mentality. 

Physical barriers, the so-called peace walls — a palatable euphemism for segregation barriers — are the most visible reminder of Northern Ireland's conflict. The peace walls separate the Protestant and Catholic communities and were built to reduce violence. But not all spatial barriers are physical, many are psychological, invisible dividing lines used by local people to structure their basic daily routines and practices. People construct mental maps in which space is labeled as "ours", "theirs" or "neutral".  

Sectarian divisions in housing, schooling, sports and social life leave few opportunities to meet youth from the other community, making it hard to have real friends across the divide. 

Segregation is not the only post-conflict reality young people have to deal with. Paramilitary groups that were active during the conflict retain a grip on their communities. These groups have evolved into criminal organizations engaged in drug trafficking, protection rackets and other criminal activities. The paramilitary groups continue to recruit young people often through coercion or in payment for drug debts. They are also involved in vigilante policing and pretend to protect their communities from anti-social behavior and petty crime with their violent attacks. People, including children and teenagers, from both communities have to cope with the intimidations, beatings, shootings and expulsions out of the area by the paramilitaries of their own community.  

Young people face numerous challenges and poor prospects. The working-class areas, the worst affected during the conflict, are among the most economically and socially deprived in the UK. Unlike the city center, these areas have not benefited from the promised peace dividend and have lost out economically. Rampant youth unemployment leaves many young people with low aspirations. Poverty is widespread, academic achievement is low and drug and alcohol abuse among young people has increased. Mental health is problematic and the suicide rate, particular among young males, is one of the highest in Western Europe.  

  • A gate blocks access to the Catholic enclave of Ardoyne in north Belfast.First built in 1969 as a temporary solution to reduce violence, the peace walls — a euphemism for segregation barriers — have increased in number and scale since the start of the peace process. The barriers take many forms: Not only walls but also fences, gates, roads and empty buffer zones divide the Catholic and Protestant communities in some of the city's most economically deprived areas. The government promised to take the barriers down by 2023, but many residents are not ready for them to come down any time soon. Not all interface areas — the common boundary between a Protestant and a Catholic area —  have a physical border. Sometimes there is only an invisible dividing line that local people are aware of.
  • After school a teenager walks in an alley in the Catholic Ardoyne area of north Belfast.Education is highly segregated with 95 percent of children attending single-identity schools. Most of the schools have their own distinct uniform and since schools are overwhelmingly either Protestant or Catholic, the school uniforms clearly identify a young person's community background.
  • Young people celebrate Saint Patrick's day, in the Catholic Ardoyne area of north Belfast. The young man on the left has a tricolor flag, the national flag of the Republican of Ireland, draped around him.
  • Caitlin (right), 17, and Tigernach, 14, get ready for boxing practice in the Divis Immaculata boxing club in the Catholic Divis area of west Belfast. Caitlin who already won several national and international medals, is an inspiration for the younger Tigernach.
  • Joel, 15, wraps his hands with bandage before boxing practice at the City of Belfast Boxing Academy located on the Protestant side of the peace wall separating the small Catholic enclave Short Strand from the rest of the Protestant east Belfast. The boxing gym is located exactly on a peace line and although the gym is open to boxers from both communities, it's almost exclusively attended by young people from the Protestant side of the wall.
  • The Ulster Banner, the former flag of the Northern Ireland government (1953–1972), is seen on a bonfire-under-construction in the Protestant Lower Shankill area of West Belfast. The flag no longer has an official status but has become a contentious symbol representing Ulster loyalism.Bonfires are traditionally lit in Protestant areas on the {quote}Eleventh Night{quote} of July to commemorate the victory of the Protestant William of Orange over his Catholic father-in-law King James II at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. Preparations start months before with the collection of pallets and other materials like rubber tires. The bonfire is followed on July 12 by a large parade held by the Orange Order — a Protestant fraternal organization —  and loyalist marching bands. The {quote}Twelfth{quote} as it is called is a tense period. Many Catholics consider the celebrations a display of sectarian triumphalism whereas for many working-class Protestants they are an essential expression of their cultural identity.
  • Young people near a so-called peace wall in north Belfast separating the Protestant Glenbryn area from the Catholic Ardoyne area on the other side. {quote}Taking peace walls away is not going to take bitterness away{quote} said Michael (left), 19. {quote}The walls prevent a clash, the bitterness bounds off on them. They shouldn't come down over the next 100 years, there's still too much pain. Belfast is still totally a divided city.{quote}First built in 1969 as a temporary solution to reduce violence, the peace walls — a euphemism for segregation barriers — have increased in number and scale since the start of the peace process. The barriers take many forms: Not only walls but also fences, gates, roads and empty buffer zones divide the Catholic and Protestant communities in some of the city's most economically deprived areas. The government promised to take the barriers down by 2023, but many residents are not ready for them to come down any time soon. Not all interface areas — the common boundary between a Protestant and a Catholic area —  have a physical border. Sometimes there is only an invisible dividing line that local people are aware of.
  • A young man wearing a uniform shirt of the Pride of Ardoyne Flute Band  — one of the many loyalist bands in Belfast, some of which are linked to paramilitary groups — adds an election poster of a Sinn Féin politician to a finished bonfire in the Protestant Glenbryn area of north Belfast. Other hated symbols on the bonfire are a banner referring to the IRA and signs protesting  restrictions on marching parades by the Parades Commission -an official bipartisan parade watchdog.Bonfires are traditionally lit in Protestant areas on the {quote}Eleventh Night{quote} of July to commemorate the victory of the Protestant William of Orange over his Catholic father-in-law King James II at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. Preparations start months before with the collection of pallets and other materials like rubber tires. The bonfire is followed on July 12 by a large parade held by the Orange Order — a Protestant fraternal organization — and loyalist marching bands. The {quote}Twelfth{quote} as it is called is a tense period. Many Catholics consider the celebrations a display of sectarian triumphalism whereas for many working-class Protestants they are an essential expression of their cultural identity.
  • Ryan, 14, in the Village area of south Belfast. Behind him a lamp post in the colors red, blue and white of the Union Jack identifies the area as Protestant.  Flags, murals and painted curbs and lamp posts are common identity markers in Protestant working-class areas.Young working-class youth are growing up in a deeply divided society with an entrenched {quote}us and them{quote} mentality.
  • A view over the Ardoyne area of north Belfast, a small Catholic enclave that experienced a lot of violence during the Troubles. West Belfast is mostly Catholic, the east mostly Protestant, the south is the most affluent with pockets of Protestant working-class units and north Belfast is a patchwork of Catholic and Protestant areas.
  • A poster on the fence of a back alley in the Catholic Ardoyne area of north Belfast warns people not to talk to the PSNI  — Police Service Northern Ireland  — and links the PSNI to MI5, the British domestic intelligence service. Dissident republican groups oppose the peace process considering it a betrayal of principles. They reject the institutions created by the Good Friday Agreement and consider the PSNI illegitimate. Some of the groups aspire to achieve a united Ireland through the use of violence and although small in number, these violent dissident groups pose a continuing security threat.
  • Shrine to a teenage suicide victim in the Catholic Ardoyne area of north Belfast. Northern Ireland's suicide rate is the highest in the UK and it continues to rise. Disadvantaged areas, in particular north and west Belfast, experience higher suicide rates and young men are particularly affected. Suicide is a complex issue with many possible causes. Research has shown that in Northern Ireland exposure to trans generational trauma may be an influencing factor in suicide by young people. Parents who are suffering from trauma related to the conflict can pass it on to their children.
  • A republican mural depicting former north Belfast IRA volunteer Martin Meehan on a housing estate in the Catholic Ardoyne area of north Belfast. Northern Ireland has a long tradition of murals with paramilitary and historical narratives as dominating themes.Young people live in segregated neighborhoods where the violent past is normalized in barriers, murals and commemorations.
  • A back alley in the Catholic Ardoyne area of north Belfast. The word {quote}hoods{quote} is written on the wall, a term referring to young people that are persistent criminal offenders and are involved in anti-social behavior, alcohol and drugs consumption. Some of these young people carry the name as a badge of honor.Rampant youth unemployment leaves many young people with low aspirations. Poverty is widespread, academic achievement is low and drug and alcohol abuse among young people has increased.
  • Seanalee, 17, smokes a cigarette while her daughter Olivia Rose, sits in a stroller at the front door of their home in the Catholic Ardoyne area of north Belfast. After having her baby, Seanalee dropped out of school but she hopes to return next year.
  • Wearing her school uniform, Demi, 15, lies on her girlfriend Grace's  bed in Catholic Andersontown in west Belfast. Like many other young people Demi thinks politicians are locked in the past. {quote}Politicians were brought up in a society were divisions were really simple: man-woman and Catholic-Protestant. We're not like that anymore.{quote}
  • Best friends Demi (right), 17, and Briege-Anne, 16, get ready for a party, in Demi's home in the Protestant enclave of Suffolk in west Belfast. The two friends come from different communities and frequent each other's houses, still a rather exceptional situation. {quote}It's safer for girls than for boys {quote}said Briege-Anne who lives in the neighboring Catholic Lenadoon area and often visits her best friend. {quote}Boys are seen as threats, girls get away with more{quote}.
  • After school, Tigernach (right), 14 and her friend Dawn, 13, wait for a green traffic light to cross the road in the Catholic Falls road area of west Belfast. Behind them a mural commemorating the 1916 Proclamation of the Republic, a document written in the name of the self-styled Provisional Government of the Irish Republic that proclaimed Ireland's independence from the United Kingdom.
  • Lewis (left), 16, and Daniel, 15, sit outside the Corpus Christi Youth Centre in the Catholic Upper Springfield area of west Belfast. The youth center organizes a cross-community project in which youths from both communities participate. Few opportunities to socialize and interact make it difficult to have real friends in the other community. Cross-community activities have only a limited impact as at the end of the activities, young people return to their segregated neighborhoods.
  • Teenagers hang out at a fun fair in the Catholic Ardoyne area of north Belfast. Traditionally the Protestant population constituted a majority in Belfast but  with the rapid increase in the Catholic population and the decline of the number of Protestants there is a shift in the city's demographic balance.
  • Young people wait for friends to join them before going out on a Saturday night in the Catholic New Lodge area of north Belfast. Working-class youth from both communities are often stigmatized and perceived as a problem or threat. Young people in turn feel misunderstood and undervalued.
  • Graffiti threatening heroin dealers on a wall in the Catholic Falls area of west Belfast. The graffiti is signed by Oglaigh na hEireann (ONH) - soldiers of Ireland - a small dissident republican paramilitary group.Paramilitary activity is an enduring legacy of the Troubles. Paramilitary groups  are involved in drug trafficking, protection rackets and other criminal activities. The paramilitary groups continue to recruit young people, often through coercion or in payment for drug debts. They also engage in vigilante policing and pretend to protect their communities from alleged anti-social behavior and petty crime with their violent attacks. People, including children, from both communities have to cope with the intimidations, beatings, shootings and expulsions out of the area by the paramilitaries of their own community.
  • Surrounded by Irish flags, teenagers hang out in the Catholic New Lodge area of north Belfast. The tricolor flag, the national flag of the Republic of Ireland, is a symbol of republicanism. North Belfast is among the most socially and economically deprived areas in northern Ireland. It was also an area that experienced some of the worst violence. A large part of its population has been directly affected by the Troubles and the area remains deeply divided.
  • In a Protestant area, a young man shows his friends his newly bought mask which he said he might use to hide his face during rioting. The term recreational rioting has been coined to describe the violent behavior by youths out of boredom or frustration.
  • A standoff between police and protesters on an interface  — a boundary between a Protestant and Catholic area  — in north Belfast. On its return from the annual Twelfth of July parade, the highlight of so-called summer's marching season, the Orange order was banned from marching on a stretch of road that passes through the Catholic Ardoyne area. Police dressed in riot gear form a dividing line between Protestants rioting against the ban and Catholics protesting the contentious parade as a display of sectarianism. Tension mounted on the Catholic side when a teenage girl was trapped under a car driven in the crowd by an Orangeman. Here youths from the Catholic Ardoyne area are seen clambering on a bus stop to get a better view of the incident.Loyalist marching season runs from April to September and has been a recurrent source of tension and violence between the Protestant and Catholic communities.
  • A young man gets a tattoo on the Catholic Falls Road in west Belfast.  Fear of being identified as belonging to {quote}the other{quote} community limits young people's movement and activities and reduces their educational, economic and cultural opportunities.
  • A mural indicating the presence of the UDA (Ulster Defence Association) paramilitary group in a housing estate in the Protestant Lower Shankill area in west Belfast. Next to it a smaller sign with the acronyms UFF and UYM can be seen. The paramilitary group UDA was proscribed as a terrorist organization in 1992. Earlier on, in 1973 the UFF (Ulster Freedom Fighters), a cover name used by the UDA when conducting operations, was outlawed.  The Ulster Youth Militants  (UYM) is the youth branch of the UDA. UDA/UFF terrorists were responsible for hundreds of deaths — most of them Catholic civilians — during the Troubles.Paramilitary activity is an enduring legacy of the Troubles. Paramilitary groups  are involved in drug trafficking, protection rackets and other criminal activities. The paramilitary groups continue to recruit young people, often through coercion or in payment for drug debts. They also engage in vigilante policing and pretend to protect their communities from alleged anti-social behavior and petty crime with their violent attacks. People, including children, from both communities have to cope with the intimidations, beatings, shootings and expulsions out of the area by the paramilitaries of their own community.
  • Teenagers play near an open fire hydrant in the Protestant Lower Shankill area in west Belfast. Educational underachievement and unemployment are high in the estate.
  • Young people participating in a cross-community project by a youth club in the Catholic Divis area in west Belfast, gather to decorate both sides of a gate between Protestant Shankill and Catholic Falls road. Every night the gate closes at 6.30pm.First built in 1969 as a temporary solution to reduce violence, the peace walls — a euphemism for segregation barriers — have increased in number and scale since the start of the peace process. The barriers take many forms: Not only walls but also fences, gates, roads and empty buffer zones divide the Catholic and Protestant communities in some of the city's most economically deprived areas. The government promised to take the barriers down by 2023, but many residents are not ready for them to come down any time soon. Not all interface areas — the common boundary between a Protestant and a Catholic area —  have a physical border. Sometimes there is only an invisible dividing line that local people are aware of.
  • Ashley, 26, smokes a cigarette outside her home while her boyfriend's brother Dylan, 16, stands next to her in the Protestant Lower Shankill estate in west Belfast. Ashley's family was heavily involved in the UDA (Ulster Defence Association), a loyalist paramilitary group. During the feuds among different factions of the UDA in 2001 her family was expulsed by another faction and they now live in England. After some time Ashley and her mother were allowed by the paramilitaries to come back.
  • Stephanie, 19, sits on her bed in her aunt's home in the Protestant Oldpark area of north Belfast where she lives temporarily. Her father and uncle were very active in the UDA (Ulster Defense Association), a loyalist paramilitary group. Stephanie stopped going to school at 14 because of drug use and struggled until very recently with a drug addiction. She finds it tough to live with the family history. {quote}People look different at me. I carry the name {quote} she said {quote}If I hadn't been strong, I would have been death long ago{quote}.
  • Brooke, 15, lives in Protestant Tiger's Bay area of north Belfast. {quote}It's in the middle of Catholic neighborhoods, we're a bit isolated. {quote} she said.  North Belfast has a complex geography, it is a patchwork of disadvantaged Catholic and Protestant working-class areas.
  • Young people hang out around a fire in the Protestant Lower Shankill area of west Belfast. As the widespread unemployment has become normalized for them, many young people have very low aspirations.
  • Eva, 14, in the Catholic New Lodge area of north Belfast. {quote}You can't go everywhere you have to stay in your community or stay close to what you know{quote} she said.Young people develop a strategic knowledge of spaces and an understanding of threats associated with moving beyond their boundaries.
  • Young people watch the Whiterock parade from the roof of a derelict building in the Protestant Woodvale area of north Belfast. Parades are an important part of the culture of Northern Ireland, particularly  — but not exclusively  — in the Protestant loyalist community. The annual Whiterock parade organized by the Orange Order  — a Protestant fraternal organization  — is contentious. Loyalist marching season runs from April to September and has been a recurrent source of tension and violence between the Protestant and Catholic communities. Some bands have been associated with paramilitary groups. During the marching season there is a surge of identity said Trevor Greer, a community worker in the Protestant Roden Street area in south Belfast. {quote}Young people become super Protestants or super republicans. And in September they go back to normal{quote}.
  • A UDA/UFF paramilitary mural in the Protestant Lower Shankill area of north Belfast honoring a killed member.  The paramilitary group UDA (Ulster Defense Association) whose slogan is {quote}QS{quote} (Quis Separabit)  - who will separate (us) - was proscribed as a terrorist organization in 1992. Earlier on, in 1973 the UFF (Ulster Freedom Fighters), a cover name used by the UDA when conducting operations, was outlawed. UDA/UFF terrorists were responsible for hundreds of deaths, most of them Catholic civilians, during the Troubles. Now, the  UDA/UFF has evolved into a criminal organization engaged in drug trafficking, protection rackets and other criminal activities. And like the other paramilitary groups in Belfast, they are also involved in vigilante activities and pretend to protect their communities from alleged anti-social behavior and petty crime with their violent attacks. People, including children, from both communities have to cope with the intimidations, beatings, shootings and expulsions out of the area by the paramilitaries of their own community.
  • Megan, 24, at home in the Protestant Lower Oldpark neighborhood in north Belfast. The father of the oldest of her two children, took his life after intimidation and threats by paramilitaries. A few years later, members of a another paramilitary group trashed her house after having accused her boyfriend of joyriding. She is unemployed and struggles to get by on social welfare.  {quote}There are no jobs{quote} she said.
  • Megan, 24, zips her daughter Katie's raincoat before she goes out to play. Megan, an unemployed mother of two, lives very close to a so-called peace wall in the Protestant Lower Oldpark neighborhood in north Belfast. {quote}It's stupid we live close and we don't know anyone on the other side{quote} she said.
  • Stephen, 25, who is unemployed, sits in the living room of the house in the  Protestant Roden Street area of south Belfast where he lives with his wife and three children.  {quote}They're trying to take our culture away.{quote} he said, expressing a general sense of unease among young working-class Protestants.
  • Young people hang out on discarded furniture in  the Protestant Lower Shankill area of west Belfast. Working-class youth from both communities grow up in a risk-laden environment where they are exposed to poverty, barriers and paramilitaries.
  • Location in the Lower Shankill area of west Belfast, where according to local people, a man in his twenties was tortured and beaten by loyalist UDA (Ulster Defence Association) paramilitaries. The UDA has evolved into a criminal organization engaged in drug trafficking, protection rackets and other criminal activities. And like the other paramilitary groups in Belfast, they are also involved in vigilante activities and pretend to protect their communities from alleged anti-social behavior and petty crime with their violent attacks. Paramilitary violence is an enduring legacy of the Troubles. People, including children, from both communities have to cope with the intimidations, beatings, shootings and expulsions out of the area by the paramilitaries of their own community.
  • Graffiti on a section of the so-called peace wall along Cupar Way in west Belfast, as seen from the Protestant side. The eight-meter-high concrete and corrugated iron partition separating Catholic Falls and Protestant Shankill areas of west Belfast, is the city's oldest and most imposing segregation wall. First built in 1969 as a temporary solution to reduce violence, the peace walls — a euphemism for segregation barriers — have increased in number and scale since the start of the peace process. The barriers take many forms: Not only walls but also fences, gates, roads and empty buffer zones divide the Catholic and Protestant communities in some of the city's most economically deprived areas. The government promised to take the barriers down by 2023, but many residents are not ready for them to come down any time soon. Not all interface areas — the common boundary between a Protestant and a Catholic area —  have a physical border. Sometimes there is only an invisible dividing line that local people are aware of.
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